State police as panacea

Of course, in the PDP era, the opposition party was in the forefront in calling for state police. Now that a coalition of some of the opposition parties under the rubric of APC is in power, the party hierarchy has not officially called for state police. So, instead of just arguing for state police, as has been done here severally in the past, this column asks, is there any reason why the party in power is usually not excited about the call for state police?

Conversely put, is it a mere political gimmick for opposition parties to call for state police? Again put in another way, are there things those in the corridors of power know that they don’t tell the rest of us? For if there is nothing untoward with state police, now that repentant PDP has called for state police, when the former opposition coalition is now in power, a constitutional amendment to allow other layers of police structure should be a walkover.

In the 9th National Assembly, the constitutional amendment to provide for state police was defeated. Many states in the northern part of the country stridently opposed the attempt to amend the constitution to allow state police. Yet, the Northern Governors Forum, in the twilight of Buhari’s administration in 2022, called for the amendment of the constitution to incorporate state police. The call was at the height of grave insecurity in the northwest and north-central. Interestingly, despite the support for state police by a panel set up by the ruling APC headed by then governor El Rufai of Kaduna State, the National Assembly controlled by his party could not pass the amendment. Of course, many PDP-controlled states which are now openly clamouring for state police, voted against the amendment.

Perhaps, the call for state police comes seasonally. Arguably, with respect to the safety of lives and properties, the dry season has become a dangerous season in Nigeria. In the past decade or so, the tragic clash between farmers and herders heightens during the dry season. Especially, under the immediate past regime of President Buhari, killings, arsons, dispossession of land, cattle rustlings and kidnapping turned to a national nightmare during the season. Many have associated the tragic order of the season to the determined effort by armed Fulani herdsmen to have temporal or permanent access to pasture and water.

In this first dry season under PBAT, perhaps with the state security agencies including the police, army, local vigilantes, and state owned security organs rediscovering their heft against the armed herdsmen as demonstrated in Plateau State last week, there has been a reduction in outright farmers and herders clash, but an increase in kidnapping for ransom and killings. Could there be a link in the transition from clash to access pasture and water, to kidnapping for ransom or killings as punishment? To worsen the situation, urban cities, including the federal capital, Abuja, have not been spared in the new wave of kidnapping and killings.

The past week, has been tragic for Ekiti State and Ekiti in Kwara State. Traditional rulers and school children appear to have been targeted in the new wave of killings. In the structure and hierarchy of state functionaries, the position of traditional rulers is rather pathetic, on security issues. When there is security breach in communities, the state functionaries lean on them to proffer localized solution. Many of them have been threatened with deposition by state governors and local government authorities over security challenges in their domain; yet they are ill-equipped structurally to offer any remedy.

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The two Ekiti monarchs murdered were reportedly returning from a security meeting when they were ambushed and murdered in cold blood. Significantly, with no personal security protection, they are soft targets, unlike the other state actors at state and local government levels who are usually guarded by well-armed police. Sometimes, the traditional rulers are accused of condoning criminals in their community, as if they are equipped to challenge the armed marauders. Of course, there are a few of them who either for personal gains or intimidation, succumb to the antics of the criminals.

To stave the descent into anarchy, there is need for a national conversation and consensus on how to tackle the worsening insecurity in our dear country. The preeminent sociocultural organizations in the Southwest, Southeast, South-south, and North-central have severally called for restructuring and state police. With two traditional rulers murdered and defrocked by alleged Fulani herdsmen in PBAT’s homestead, there is increased anger and frustration amongst the people. As if to give a vent to the capacity of the state or regional police, the Amotekun corps from Ondo State, has reportedly routed the killer herdsmen in Ekiti.

Eminent citizens, including Wole Olanipekun, SAN, have recently lent their voice for state police. On his part, Olisa Agbakoba, SAN, has argued for wholesome constitutional amendment to incorporate state police. This column hopes the Northern Governors Forum (NGF) has not withdrawn its support for state police, now that it is a possibility with PBAT in charge. If they withdraw their support, then calls for state police may be a political gimmick by state actors. Intriguingly, in the past week, Governor Hope Uzodimma of Imo State, argued against state police under the current revenue allocation formula.

While Nigerians await the position of the 10th National Assembly, on the thorny issue of state police, and the collaborative stance of the required two-third states, to amend section 214, as provided by section 9, of the 1999 constitution (as amended), there is an urgent need for a solution to safeguard lives of Nigerians. For this column, the days ahead will show whether the political class are merely taking non-sate actors on a melancholy ride.