The hypocrisy in Kwara North’s governorship agitation
As political discussions intensify ahead of the 2027 governorship election in Kwara State, some critical stakeholders have continued to agitate that Kwara North deserves to produce the next governor in
- By Aliyu Ndakpako
As political discussions intensify ahead of the 2027 governorship election in Kwara State, some critical stakeholders have continued to agitate that Kwara North deserves to produce the next governor in the interest of equity, justice, and fairness. On the surface, this demand appears not only reasonable but compelling. After all, power rotation is often seen as a stabilizing force in diverse political environments such as Kwara State, with its multiple ethnic groups spread across three senatorial districts and 16 local government areas, with Kwara North being the most diverse of them all.
Beneath this seemingly noble agitation however lies a contradiction that cannot be ignored. How can a region so vocal about fairness at the state level fail to uphold that same principle within its own political structure? Kwara North is made up of five local governments: Baruten with 11 wards, Edu with 10 wards, Kaiama with 10 wards, Moro with 17 wards, and Patigi with 10 wards.
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Among these, Moro stands out not for political prominence, but for its consistent exclusion. Despite having the highest number of wards, Moro has remained persistently marginalized, while others repeatedly access positions of power. This raises uncomfortable but necessary questions: If Kwara North truly believes in equity, why has Moro been excluded for so long? Why does the region remember Moro during elections, only to forget it when political power and opportunities are being negotiated?
A closer look at the political history of Kwara North reveals a pattern that undermines its moral argument. In the Baruten and Kaiama axis, political power has circulated extensively over the years. Baruten, for instance, has produced a deputy governor in the person of Peter Kisra, who served for eight years, and a Senator in Mohammed Ahmed, who also served for eight years. It has also produced multiple members of the House of Representatives, including Issa Bio Ibrahim who served for four years, Zakari Mohammed who served for eight years, and Hon. Bio O. Umar who will complete eight years by 2027.
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Issa Bio Ibrahim further served as Speaker of the state House of Assembly for six years and later held several ministerial portfolios, including transport, sports, and youth development. The current Speaker of the state House of Assembly, Salihu Yakubu Danladi, is also from Baruten and is expected to complete eight years in office by 2027. On its part, Kaiama has produced senators such as Umar Sadiq, who is also on track to complete eight years by 2027, as well as House of Representatives member Memunat Adavi, who served for eight years. The local government has also produced ambassadors like Nurudeen Mohammed and Sara Umar, in addition to benefiting from key federal appointments such as positions in the Federal Character Commission and the office of Secretary to the State Government.
In the Edu, Moro and Patigi bloc, the pattern is similar, though still excluding Moro Local Government. Edu produced a governor, Saaba Lafiagi, who served for one year and 11 months, and later as senator for eight years. It has also produced several members of the House of Representatives, including Yinusa Yahaya who served for eight years, Ahmed Ndakene who served for four years, and Ahmed Saaba who will also complete four years by 2027, alongside occupying influential roles such as chairman of the Governing Council of Kwara State University. Patigi has also been significantly represented, producing senators like Suruk Mohammed who served for four years, and long serving House of Representatives members such as Ahmad Baago who served for 12 years. The local government has further produced a Speaker of the State House of Assembly, Issa Benjamin who served for four years, Amina Ndalolo who served as Minister of Health (State), ambassadors including Issa Gana, and other several high ranking federal and state appointees. Yet, when one turns to Moro, the contrast is striking. Moro Local Government, despite its size and political relevance, has not produced a governor, deputy governor, senator, or member of the House of Representatives within the Kwara North structure. It has not produced a Speaker of the House of Assembly, a minister, or an ambassador. It has also been absent from major federal boards, commissions, and other significant appointive positions. In practical terms, Moro has remained largely invisible in the distribution of political power within Kwara North. This imbalance weakens Kwara North’s claim to justice. Equity is not a slogan to be deployed selectively; it is a principle that must be practiced consistently. A region that fails to ensure fairness among its own constituents cannot convincingly demand it from others. The reality, therefore, is clear: Kwara North as a whole has not been marginalized in any way, shape or form. The array of influential offices occupied by its indigenes over the years clearly disproves that narrative. The real marginalization exists within, specifically against Moro Local Government. If Kwara North hopes to rally support from the broader electorate of Kwara State in 2027, it must first confront this internal contradiction. It must move beyond rhetoric and demonstrate a genuine commitment to justice by integrating Moro meaningfully into its political calculations. The truth is straightforward: charity begins at home. No political bloc can successfully advocate for equity while perpetuating exclusion within its own ranks. As the road to 2027 unfolds, Kwara North faces a choice. It can continue its agitation as it stands, risking being seen as inconsistent and self-serving, or it can undertake sincere introspection and reform. By correcting its internal imbalance and embracing inclusivity, it can transform its demand from a political slogan into a legitimate moral claim. Until then, its call for governorship remains not just weakened but fundamentally compromised.
