Meet Nigeria's National Assembly landlords
Since 1999, the rise of long-serving lawmakers has reshaped power dynamics and competition in Nigeria’s National Assembly. Deputy Political Editor Raymond Mordi explores what keeps these legislators in office. In
Since 1999, the rise of long-serving lawmakers has reshaped power dynamics and competition in Nigeria's National Assembly. Deputy Political Editor Raymond Mordi explores what keeps these legislators in office.
In Nigeria's National Assembly, a small, influential group has turned parliamentary service into a near-permanent career, mastering the politics that keep them in office.
With elections approaching, many lawmakers are again positioning for re-election, reinforcing what party insiders describe, half-jokingly, as a “right of first refusal.” In effect, no new aspirant can contest unless the incumbent is first displaced—a difficult task.
At the heart of this story are the rare figures whose legislative careers span the dawn of democracy and the return to civil rule in 1999. This is the story of Nigeria's “National Assembly landlords.” These long-serving senators and House members hold power that reveals as much about the system as it does about their personal political skills.
The making of a legislative class
Nigeria's 1999 Constitution (as amended) does not place term limits on lawmakers. That absence, combined with weak party internal democracy and a political culture that rewards incumbency, has quietly produced a class of legislators whose careers span decades.
Since 1999, fewer than a dozen lawmakers have maintained an uninterrupted presence in the National Assembly across both chambers. A larger group, however, has switched from the House to the Senate when it becomes convenient, effectively extending their relevance beyond what electoral turnover would normally allow.
“They don't just win elections,” said a political scientist at the University of Ibadan. “They shape the conditions under which elections are contested.”
Data from past election cycles show a clear pattern: incumbents who win a second term have historically enjoyed re-election rates well over 70 per cent, particularly in constituencies with strong party dominance. By the third term, defeat becomes the exception rather than the rule.
The mechanics of entrenchment
This could be attributed to a combination of factors that collectively create a nearly insurmountable advantage for incumbents.
Firstly, the advantages of incumbency, such as access to state resources, name recognition, and extensive patronage networks, provide a formidable edge.
Prof. Bello Magaji, Dean at the American University of Nigeria, observes, “The party that is in office will use the incumbency factor to win the election. In other words, there will be no fair level playing ground for all contestants.”
This advantage is particularly evident in the opaque and frequently manipulated primary process of the party.
Chief of Staff to the President, Femi Gbajabiamila, while Speaker of the House, lamented that many lawmakers “actually lost their elections at the primaries, where their acceptance by the constituents was not put to the test. What was put to test was whether one or two leaders in their constituencies determined whether they were returning or not.”
This weakness in internal party democracy is heightened by the practice of “consensus” candidacies. Here, party leaders select preferred candidates, often to ensure executive loyalty or maintain ethnic and religious balance.
Zoning arrangements, originally intended to guarantee regional representation, are also frequently manipulated by powerful incumbents to prevent intra-party competition.
Additionally, cross-party survival has become a strategic practice. Lawmakers who perceive political risk within their own parties frequently defect to other parties. Since 2023, numerous defections from the PDP, Labour Party (LP), and other opposition parties to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) have been justified by references to “internal crisis” within the opposition.
The civil society organisation Yiaga Africa characterises this trend as a deliberate “carrot-and-stick approach” by the ruling party to weaken opposition and consolidate one-party dominance. This ongoing realignment ensures that, irrespective of party fortunes, individual political careers are safeguarded.
A geopolitical tour of the 'landlords’
Yet, while legislative entrenchment is a nationwide phenomenon, its manifestation varies across Nigeria's six geopolitical zones. Understanding these distinct regional patterns is crucial for grasping the full complexity of the issue.
Northwest
In transitioning from the national landscape, the Northwest stands out as a critical voting bloc and is home to some of the most entrenched figures in the National Assembly. Lawmakers such as Alhassan Ado Doguwa, who has represented the Doguwa/Tudun Wada Federal Constituency in Kano State since 2007, exemplify the power-broker model.
As a former House Majority Leader, Doguwa's influence extends beyond legislation to the core of party and regional politics. His longevity is closely linked to his status as a key APC loyalist and a gatekeeper within the Kano political structure.
Similarly, Sen. Adamu Aliero, a former governor of Kebbi State, has served in the Senate since 2007. His career illustrates how the political elite often alternate between executive and legislative roles, leveraging one to secure the other.
These lawmakers function not only as representatives but also as dynastic anchors and committee power brokers who control the distribution of federal patronage to their constituencies.
Northeast
In the Northeast, affected by over a decade of Boko Haram insurgency, incumbency is often seen as a source of stability. Sen. Ahmad Lawan, a National Assembly member since 1999 and a former Senate President, is widely seen as the principal “landlord” from this zone. He has navigated political upheavals and reached the highest legislative office. Constituents, fatigued by conflict, consider his continuity essential.
Similarly, Sen. Ali Ndume (Borno South) has served in the assembly since 2003. Muktar Betara (Borno), a key figure in the appropriation process, has also established a prominent role.
Both are considered the Federal Government's primary representatives in a region in crisis. Their ability to secure and distribute federal resources for reconstruction and humanitarian aid has built a strong relationship with a vulnerable electorate. Many view them as indispensable intermediaries.
North-Central
The North-Central region exemplifies political adaptability and survival. Lawmakers in this zone are adept at tactical defections. Individuals such as Idris Wase, who has represented his Plateau State constituency since 2007, have successfully navigated shifts in party dominance, highlighting the primacy of personal political survival over party allegiance.
Similarly, Sen. Mohammed Sani Musa (Niger East) has shown resilience amid internal party challenges, often by aligning with the ruling party's agenda. Their continued presence highlights the decline of party ideology and the rise of transactional politics.
Southwest
In the APC stronghold, long-serving lawmakers such as Sen. Solomon Adeola, a.k.a. Yayi (Ogun West), who entered the House in 2011, illustrates the party's near-total control of the region. However, Senator Adeola is not returning to the National Assembly next year. He has emerged as the APC's consensus governorship candidate in Ogun State.
Similarly, Wole Oke (Osun), first elected in 2003, has navigated party transitions while maintaining his position in the House. These incumbents function less as independent power centres and more as integral components of a cohesive regional political apparatus, where party dominance virtually ensures their continued tenure.
Southeast
The Southeast presents a more complex picture. Historically an opposition stronghold, the region's shifting dynamics—driven by fragmentation in the People's Democratic Party (PDP) and the LP, and the steady encroachment of the APC—have produced a small, resilient cadre of long-serving lawmakers.
Sen. Enyinnaya Abaribe, in the Senate since 2007, remains a formidable and often solitary voice of opposition. His survival blends personal popularity, principled political stands, and adaptability in a changing landscape.
Other long-term representatives hold on in the House. Still, their numbers are thinning as the APC's national power and the region's complex relationship with the centre make re-election an increasingly difficult and expensive endeavour.
South-South
In the oil-rich South-South, the path to legislative longevity runs through the state government house. Nicholas Mutu, who has represented his Delta State constituency since 1999, is the quintessential “landlord” of the House. His recent defection from the PDP to the APC was not a random act but a calculated alignment with his governor, Sheriff Oborevwori, who also switched parties.
This pattern is consistent: a lawmaker's political life is often tied to the governor's fortunes. As long as they maintain the support of the state's chief executive, who controls the party machinery and state power, their re-election is nearly assured.
These lawmakers become crucial in the politics of oil resource control and federal allocations, leveraging their positions for both the state and their own interests.
The balancing act
The debate surrounding the merits and drawbacks of legislative entrenchment constitutes a significant national discourse.
In defence of experience
Proponents assert that legislative experience is both vital and scarce. They argue that high turnover rates—historically exceeding 70 per cent in some assemblies—have impeded the legislature's effectiveness. “Obviously, when people are new to a system, it takes time for them to adjust and learn the procedures. It's going to take time for them, even to find their way around the National Assembly building itself,” noted former Senate President David Mark in 2015.
A former lawmaker and current National Assembly aide, speaking anonymously, echoed this perspective: “Legislating is a skill. You need senior members who understand the process, can mentor new ones, and provide institutional memory. To throw them all out every four years is to weaken the parliament.”
The case for renewal:
Conversely, critics contend that this “experience” often leads to stagnation and democratic decline. Samson Itodo, Executive Director of Yiaga Africa, cautions that “the strategic use of incumbency power appears to be facilitating a shift toward one-party dominance,” a development that undermines the fundamental principle of competitive elections.
An APC official in the Northwest, speaking anonymously, offered a more critical insider perspective: “The truth is that the system is designed for them to stay. They control the party structures in their local governments. They decide who gets what contract. It's not about performance; it's about a network of loyalists who depend on them for survival.”
A youth leader from the Southeast, who has unsuccessfully sought a party nomination, articulated similar frustration: “It's a closed club. The primaries are just a formality. The money involved, the godfatherism—it's impossible for a young person with new ideas but without deep pockets to break through. We are building a gerontocracy.”
A PDP strategist in the South-South provides additional context: “The fear of losing to the APC has made our party cling to these old warhorses. We think their name recognition is our only chance, but we are just recycling the same faces and the same failures.”
A neutral perspective
A senior legal analyst with INEC, who is not authorised to speak on the record, provided a neutral, process-oriented perspective: “Our laws do not limit terms for legislators. The question is not about how long someone serves, but about the integrity of the process that keeps them there. The real crisis is the failure of party primaries to be free, fair, and competitive. Until we fix that, the phenomenon of 'sit-tight' lawmakers will continue, regardless of what the voters want.”
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Looking ahead
As the next electoral cycle approaches, the dominance of entrenched lawmakers shows little sign of fading.
Younger aspirants are emerging, and civil society pressure is growing, but the structural advantages of incumbency remain formidable.
A strategist within the opposition described the challenge succinctly: “You are not just contesting a candidate. You are contesting a system.”
The final word
Nigeria's long-serving lawmakers are not merely individuals holding office; they are products of a political ecosystem that rewards endurance, loyalty, and strategic positioning.
They bring experience and continuity, but also raise difficult questions about access, renewal, and the future of democratic competition.
As voters prepare to head to the polls once again, the outcome in many constituencies may already be quietly taking shape — not on election day, but within party headquarters, long before the ballots are cast.
And for Nigeria's National Assembly landlords, that is where the real contest is often won.
